﻿<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?><rss version="2.0"><channel><title>The Culture &amp; Conflict Review</title><link>http://www.nps.edu/programs/CCS/index.html</link><description>The Culture &amp; Conflict Review is an online peer review journal bringing you analysis of current events, policy, operations, and human terrain in South and Central Asia as well as updates on our research.</description><item><title>Enemy Insights: &lt;i&gt;Inspired by Inspire? Issue 10 Published a Month before Boston Marathon Bombing&lt;/i&gt;</title><description>&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;Inspire 10&lt;/em&gt; (Spring 2013) has been published by AQAP, hitting the web in early  March 2013. This is the second edition written and third published since the assassination of &lt;em&gt;Inspire&lt;/em&gt;'s founding editorial team, Anwar  al-Awlaki and Samir Khan, by U.S. drones in late 2011. It preceded the  dual-wolf attack on the 2013 Boston Marathon by only a few weeks. As with previous editions, production values are impressive, content is rich and diverse and with a return of its typical humor and wit, with a more forward-looking outlook than the previous edition mourning the loss of its editorial leadership, as if its verve and confidence has been restored along with its editorial continuity. Below is a reformatted edition suitable for speedy on-screen scrolling, easing web viewing  and facilitating wider discussion by students of counter-terrorism, in contrast to the magazine's original, and bulkier, PDF format that has made it hard for netizens to scroll, probe, and analyze. We hope you find it  useful as a teaching and learning tool, and for its insight into AQ communications and propaganda -- and into  the mind of our opponent as the struggle continues.&lt;/p&gt;</description><link>http://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/WebJournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=132</link><pubDate>5/1/2013 12:00:00 AM</pubDate></item><item><title>China: An Emerging Economic Peer Competitor</title><description>&lt;p&gt;For more than 30 years, China&amp;rsquo;s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has been growing at an average annual rate of 9-10 percent. In 2010, China&amp;rsquo;s economy became the second largest in the world after that of the United States (US). Further, the International Monetary Fund forecasts China&amp;rsquo;s economy will surpass the economy of the US in 2016. However, with a population of 1.34 billion people, China&amp;rsquo;s per capita GDP is only US$8,400 compared to US$48,100 for the US. Therefore, on a per capita basis, China&amp;rsquo;s economy is ranked 120th, compared to 12th for the US. China&amp;rsquo;s growth however has brought 400 million people out of poverty, but there remains 173 million people that live on less than one US dollar per day. China&amp;rsquo;s economic prowess has garnered a lot of attention from  politicians, governments, investors, economists, and defense analysts  throughout the world. Some argue that China&amp;rsquo;s rising economic power will  eventually surpass that of the US. Others argue that demographic, social, and economic factors will ultimately undermine China&amp;rsquo;s rise. This paper will examine whether China is likely to become an economic  peer competitor of the US within the next 20 years given its  demographic, social and emerging economic challenges. The  analysis will be conducted within the framework of Michael Porter&amp;rsquo;s  stages of economic development. In The Competitive Advantage of Nations,  Michael Porter defines a model to describe the nature of the economic  development of countries. According to Porter, there are four stages of  economic development based on competitive advantages: factor-driven,  investment-driven, innovation-driven, and wealth-driven. We utilize Porter&amp;rsquo;s model to examine China&amp;rsquo;s economic development  during the period from 1978 to 2011 because it represents a major  transformational time for China. For example, China implemented  significant economic policy changes during this time leading to  unprecedented growth, as well as its one-child policy.  Specifically,  we explore the potential for China to move from the investment-driven to  the innovation-driven stage of development to become a possible  economic peer competitor of the US.  In doing so, we investigate the  major prevailing issues that are challenging China&amp;rsquo;s ability to achieve  this stature. As a final step, our research uses various economic  data from the US and Japan as a means for comparison and as a  forecasting mechanism, with Japan being the bridging economy between  China and the US.  Both the US and Japan are in the innovation-driven  stage of economic development.  For the US, we examine the period 1919  to 1952.  This is when the US entered and thrived in the  innovation-driven stage of economic development. The year 1919 was  chosen to begin the comparative assessment because it is generally  accepted as the year the US surpassed the United Kingdom to become the  world&amp;rsquo;s dominant economic power. For Japan, we examine the period 1945  to 1978. This period encompasses the rebuilding of Japan&amp;rsquo;s post-war  industries.  This period also includes Japan&amp;rsquo;s transition from the  investment-driven stage to the innovation-driven stage of development.   We also selectively draw upon more recent data outside these periods to  show trends and outcomes resulting from events and policies taking place  during the targeted analysis periods. These comparisons will shed  light on aspects of the Chinese economy that may lead to a successful  evolution into the innovation-driven stage of development and peer  competitiveness, and those that portend potential decline.  This  comparative assessment will lead to a prediction of whether China is  likely to become a peer competitor of the US within the next 20 years.&lt;/p&gt;</description><link>http://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/WebJournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=124</link><pubDate>4/1/2013 12:00:00 AM</pubDate></item><item><title>Uttarakhand: Political Immaturity and the Unresolved Issue of the Permanent Capital </title><description>&lt;p&gt;The creation of the Uttarakhand state in 2000 was seen as a victory  of the common people who generated immense pressures through the mass  movement of the 1990s for the statehood of Uttarakhand. This mass  movement was unprecedented for two reasons: firstly it had participation  from all the sections of the society and secondly though, initially, it  was launched by the students to oppose the unjustified 27 percent OBC  reservation but within no time it spread like a wild fire and engulfed  all the hill areas. Later on due to the policies of the then Uttar  Pradesh Government it got converted in to a movement for the creation of  Uttarakhand state. From the very beginning it was an apolitical movement as the  political parties and their leaders were not allowed by the groups of  the agitators to share their forums or to participate in the rallies  organised by them. As Uttarakhand has been a part of the big and un  governable state Uttar Pradesh, therefore, after the creation of the  Uttarakhand state, people naturally expected that the pace of  development, democratic decentralization, governance and distribution of  facilities and resources would become fast. Unfortunately, Uttarakhand  still remains a saga of underdevelopment and poor governance because out  of thirteen districts, the eight hill districts are still very backward  and deprived of the basic facilities like water, electricity, schools,  hospitals, motorable roads etc. The caste politics, regional politics,  the absence of an effective leadership, administrative efficiency and  political immaturity, has not allowed Uttrakhand to secure a place and&lt;/p&gt;</description><link>http://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/WebJournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=125</link><pubDate>4/1/2013 12:00:00 AM</pubDate></item><item><title>Book Review: &lt;i&gt;Kingmakers: The Invention of the Modern Middle East&lt;/i&gt; by Karl E. Meyer and Shareen Blair Brysac</title><description>&lt;p&gt;This accomplished couple has published 12 books together, this is the  final book in a trilogy on the imperial experiences of Afghanistan,  Pakistan and the Middle East.  The first one was published in 1999 and  entitled, &amp;ldquo;Tournament of Shadows.&amp;rdquo;  This latest book discusses the  British and American personalities that have influenced the course of  the modern Middle East.  The book gets off to a sluggish start, but then  picks up with details and a discussion of the major British and  American policymakers.  It is vital to gain an appreciation of the  Middle East&amp;rsquo;s colonial experience, even the term &amp;ldquo;Middle East,&amp;rdquo; was  created by the famous proponent of naval power Alfred Thayer Mahan, to  distinguish it from the Far East and capture its centrality in lanes of  communication.&lt;/p&gt;</description><link>http://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/WebJournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=126</link><pubDate>4/1/2013 12:00:00 AM</pubDate></item><item><title>Book Review: &lt;i&gt;Political Evil: What it is and How to Combat It?&lt;/i&gt; by Alan Wolfe</title><description>&lt;p&gt;The massacre of children in Newtown, and recent bombings that have  marred the Boston Marathon, coupled with America&amp;rsquo;s global effort to  combat violent extremism and our history of confronting rogue regimes  past and present, makes this book pondering evil generally and political  evil specifically a needed part of our public discourse.&amp;nbsp;Alan  Wolfe is a professor of political science and director of the Boisi  Center for Religion and Public Life at Boston College.  His latest book,  which was published in 2011 and went paperback in 2012 is an  intellectually uncomfortable, yet a necessary discussion on political  evil.  Part one of his book helps the reader gain an understanding of  what political evil is, and part two is dedicated to finding ways to  combat it.  As members of the United States Armed Forces, simplistic  characterizations are not useful, and value judgments make identifying  evil that more complex.&lt;/p&gt;</description><link>http://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/WebJournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=127</link><pubDate>4/1/2013 12:00:00 AM</pubDate></item><item><title>Book Review: &lt;i&gt;Terror and Liberalism&lt;/i&gt; by Paul Berman</title><description>&lt;p&gt;It has been my privilege to address hundreds of civilian and military  Defense Department personnel on the topic of Militant Islamist  ideology, Middle East political history, and the future of fighting the  scourge of violent Militant Islamist groups.  This has led me to ponder  new tools in this 21st century conflict that must be developed and  cultivated among our military leadership. While we are proficient in the military technological aspects of  warfare, there is a thirst to delve into the humanistic aspects of  combating groups like al-Qaida.  By humanistic, I do not mean  humanitarian operations, but immersing ourselves in the new tools of war  such as countering a philosophical, ideological, and narrow abuse of  the Islamic faith to weave the pseudo-intellectual ideology of Militant  Islamist Theory.  These are theories in which fragments of Islam is  pieced together with fragments of western philosophy, to justify  violence in the accomplishment of political objectives.  Sayyid Qutb, considered the most influential theorist by militant  Islamists, not only was versed in Islam from which to conduct his  selective interpretation, he was heavily influenced by western  philosophical thought on the nature of man, and the western critique of  obsessive materialism.  We must be better students of Qutb, Abdul-Wahab,  Ibn Taymiyyah, Mawduddi, and much more to begin highlighting aspects of  their work that inspire violence, but more importantly aspects of their  work suppressed and marginalized in Militant Islamist websites and  al-Qaida statements.  Paul Berman has been described as liberal hawk,  who advocated the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan on the basis of a  concept called &amp;ldquo;liberal interventionism,&amp;rdquo; the promotion of liberal  democratic freedoms. He is not without his critics; however his 2003  book &amp;ldquo;Terror and Liberalism&amp;rdquo; is a welcome immersion into the language of  militant, revolutionary and radical thought.&lt;/p&gt;</description><link>http://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/WebJournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=128</link><pubDate>4/1/2013 12:00:00 AM</pubDate></item><item><title>Book Announcement: &lt;i&gt;Culture, Conflict and Counterinsurgency&lt;/i&gt; now in production for summer release!</title><description>&lt;p&gt;We are pleased to announce that our new book on the anthropological and cultural dimensions of counterinsurgency, with case studies drawn from South Asia -- &lt;em&gt;Culture, Conflict and Counterinsurgency&lt;/em&gt; -- is now in production and will be published this coming summer by Stanford University Press, with contributions from leading theorists of applied anthropology, counterinsurgency strategy, and the cultural dimensions of international conflict.&lt;/p&gt;</description><link>http://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/WebJournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=130</link><pubDate>4/1/2013 12:00:00 AM</pubDate></item><item><title>Terrorism and Popular Support: A Matter of Interests</title><description>&lt;p&gt;The purpose of this paper is to highlight a misalignment in the United  States strategy to defeat al Qaeda, in the current National Strategy for  Counterterrorism (NSCT, 2011), the National Security Strategy (NSS,  2010) and the National Defense Strategy (NDS).   At the heart of this  misalignment in strategy is an over reliance placed on universal values.   This focus on values is problematic for two fundamental reasons:  first, whether &amp;ldquo;universal&amp;rdquo; or not, it has detracted from U.S. interests  while reinforcing a perception of validity of al Qaeda&amp;rsquo;s religion-based  propaganda.  This misunderstanding emphasizes the religious-based  argument that al Qaeda has used since 1996 in defining their struggle in  terms of freedom from influence and religious persecution.  In  addition, it detracts from the importance of interest, a focus on values  also allows for a justifiable claim of western hypocrisy by al Qaeda  when the United States acts in its own interests instead of in support  of its values.  Instead of values, the United States should speak to  shared interests and act on those common interests. This paper operates on the premise that human behavior is  incentive-based and that groups of people are driven to support  organizations and causes based on what is in their best interests.   Without common political goals and interests, a population will not  support a terrorist group or any other organization for that matter.  It  is the relationship of interests (of the population) to provider  (organization, terrorist or otherwise) that determines whether people  support terrorist organizations.    We believe that the support of a  population for either the terrorist or the counterterrorist is based on  the answer to two fundamental questions.  First, which group (terrorist  or counterterrorist) will be able to get me (the population) the better  deal?  Second, which group is going to win?  In order to get at the crux  of these questions in relationship to U.S. efforts to defeat al Qaeda,  the following two questions will be addressed via hypothesis testing of  variables based on human needs theory:&amp;nbsp;1) The population&amp;rsquo;s opinion of the United States and their support for terrorism; 2) What drives a population to withdraw support for terrorism?&lt;/p&gt;</description><link>http://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/WebJournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=131</link><pubDate>4/1/2013 12:00:00 AM</pubDate></item><item><title>&lt;i&gt;Review:&lt;/i&gt; The Moroccan Perspective on the Western Sahara: Moroccan Flag Officer Shares His View of this Ongoing Conflict</title><description>&lt;p&gt;The conflict over Western Sahara is one that involves the disorderly  transference of Spanish colonial rule, ideological differences between  Algeria and Morocco, the issue of self-determination, as well as the  national obsession by all segments of Moroccan society regarding  possession of this territory.&amp;nbsp; It is perhaps the one of the biggest  roadblocks hindering the five-nation Arab-Maghreb Union (AMU) from  realizing its full potential.&amp;nbsp; No Moroccan leader can waiver on the  issue of the Western Sahara and expect to survive politically.&amp;nbsp; Moroccan retired Colonel-Major Bouriyala writes a unique book that  looks into the history of the conflict between the Frente Popular de  Liberacion de Saguia el-Hamra y Rio de Oro (Polisario), Algeria,  Mauritania, and Morocco.&amp;nbsp; His book is entitled, &amp;ldquo;Al-Sahraa&amp;rsquo; Al-Gharbiya  Al-Maghribiya min Khilaal Al-Tareekh wal Diplomasia Al-Hasniya (The  Moroccan Western Sahara from a Historical and Diplomatic Vantage),&amp;rdquo; and  is published in Arabic by Al-Talib Publishing in Rabat, Morocco in  2002.&lt;/p&gt;</description><link>http://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/WebJournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=84</link><pubDate>6/1/2012 12:00:00 AM</pubDate></item><item><title>&lt;i&gt;Review:&lt;/i&gt; Delving into the Realities of Politics and the Army in the Caliphate: The Writings of Omar Farouk Fawzy on the Umayyad and Abbasid Caliphates</title><description>&lt;p&gt;The long war on terrorism necessitates that we immerse  ourselves in books of military significance published in Arabic, as all  war is fought in the mind first.  These books can range from those  written by terrorists, those combating terrorism, to the subject of this  essay, the Umayyad Caliphate, a period that came three decades after  the death of Prophet Muhammad in 632 CE.  Dr. Omar Farouk Fawzy  (hereafter referred to as Fawzy) is an Iraqi historian, and among the  few Arabs who specialize in the history of the Umayyad and Abbasid  Caliphates.   His books form a part of my course as my students and I  discuss the obsession Militant Islamists have in re-establishing the  Caliphate as a long-term inter-generational objective. This  necessitates a closer examination of this institution, beyond the sound  bites al-Qaida provides to appeal to segments of the Muslim world.&lt;/p&gt;</description><link>http://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/WebJournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=103</link><pubDate>6/1/2012 12:00:00 AM</pubDate></item></channel></rss>