Get to know the Acquisition Warfare Chair,
VADM (Ret.) David H. Lewis
David Lewis joined the Naval Postgraduate School in 2020 as chair of acquisition, then was also assigned as the Interim Director of the Naval Warfare Studies Institute in July 2021. Prior to joining NPS, VADM Lewis served as Director of the Defense Contract Management Agency.
Acquisition 101: Acquisition is the process by which the Department of Defense delivers affordable, functional, and effective products to the Fleet.
- All the “-ilities” are included (sustainability, etc.) as is production, quality assurance, logistics, training, manning, testing, upgrading, and decommissioning.
It is not enough to invent a thing; if it is not in the hands of warfighters it is useless.
- Acquisition bridges over and across all the necessaries that produce a capability for the warfighter.
Getting acquisition processes involved earlier in the inventing and development process always produces a better, more affordable product.
- That’s why NPS treats acquisition as a warfighting chair to initiate those critical operational discussions and considerations as early as possible in the development timeline.
How it works: The chair maintains close, collaborative relationships with four operational sponsors: Program Executive Office Integrated Warfare Systems, Program Executive Office Ships, the Director of Acquisition Talent Management for the Navy, and the Assistant Secretary of the Navy for Research, Development, and Acquisition.
Yes, and: The acquisition chair works with and through the Acquisition Research Program (ARP), a small but mighty team that supports student and faculty research at NPS—and hosts the biggest acquisition research event of the year each May.
Together, the acquisition warfare chair and ARP connect operational sponsors with NPS researchers.
- Sponsors share research topics of immediate need to their organization.
- The acquisition team knows faculty expertise and works with faculty researchers to scope (or rescope) research projects to meet sponsor needs.
This just in: Faculty researchers recently completed six projects for the Navy’s Director of Acquisition Talent Management.
- One of these projects analyzed the impact of COVID-19 on acquisition workforce retention.
Another project is working with PEO Ships to develop a framework for estimating prototyping uncertainty.
The combination of faculty and student research has a direct impact on operational missions.
As a core member (and interim director) of NWSI, the Acquisition Warfare Chair keeps this acquisition expertise closely connected to other warfighting missions and chairs.
- This collective warfighting expertise means NPS is interdisciplinary, multi-faceted, and mission-focused--and always seeking out opportunities to improve the Navy and joint forces.
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Student Profile
The State of the Warfighter Mentality in the Surface Warfare Officer Community Lieutenant Judith H. Cho, Naval Postgraduate School
Recent winter quarter graduate LT Judith Cho, USN, received the Surface Navy Association’s Award for Excellence in Surface Warfare Research.
Her thesis: Surface Warfare Officers (SWOs) must prepare for what may come: war. This analysis used semi-structured interviews to collect data and identify trends in experiences and/or opinions across a broad range of ranks. Throughout the research process, several key themes emerged. The majority of them were seen to detract from the development of the warfighter mentality in the SWO community. Read the full thesis.
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2022 Winter Graduate Spotlight
Watch LT Cho talk about her research experience at NPS.
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Recent Engagements
Rear Admiral Blake Converse, Deputy Commander, U.S. Pacific Fleet (PACFLT), spent a day at the Naval Postgraduate School campus, March 29, to explore current student and faculty research and offer the latest entry in the Secretary of the Navy Guest Lecture (SGL) series.
In addition to tours of the university’s space systems and unmanned systems laboratories, and detailed research briefings in cyber and undersea warfare, Converse offered a rare classified SGL, providing the audience with a deeper perspective on PACFLT issues, and the opportunity for the newly-formed Nimitz Research Group to support the development of critical solutions to them.
Converse is a dual-degree graduate of NPS, completing the requirements for master of science degrees in Space Systems Engineering, and Applied Physics, in 1994.
U.S. Marine Corps Lt. Gen. Matthew Glavy, Deputy Commandant for Information, gave the winter quarter commencement address. While he was on campus, he got tours of laboratories, talked to faculty and students, and received a classified outbrief on the NWSI warfare innovation workshop on operations in the information environment. He is positive about creating a close and continuing relationship with NPS.
Read more about his commencement address: https://nps.edu/-/usmc-deputy-commandant-for-information-honors-nps-winter-quarter-graduates
Upcoming Events and Engagements
Singapore Chief Defense Scientist Visits NPS
April 6, 2022
This visit is one of many recent engagements NWSI has had with our international partners in the Indo-Pacific region. Building on the longstanding partnership between the National University of Singapore’s Temasek Defense Systems Institute and NPS, the NWSI team discussed how we might serve as a catalyst for increased research and education collaboration, especially highly-applied and classified activities related to concept and capability development.
Grassroots in Artificial Intelligence in Naval Forces Workshop
Co-hosted by NPS (NWSI) and the Naval War College (Grace Hopper Chair)
April 12, 2022
The Grassroots AI workshop is meant to build community around, and add visibility to, bottom-up, operationally focused ideas largely developed by junior or midgrade officers about how AI can help the warfighter. It will be an intimate “idea pitch” to government participants, recently retired AI gurus, and others working on AI projects for the Navy or Marine Corps. Presenters are those who have personally developed an idea, have spearheaded an AI idea into a prototype, or are speaking for others who have done that. For example, among the speakers are students from NPS and NWC who hope to gain critical feedback, visibility, and an increased chance for follow-on support for their ideas.
This event is open to those with a .mil or .gov email address (or DoD-affiliated .edu). Register your interest in attending using this link.
Naval Research Working Group 22
April 19-21, 2022
With keynote speaker VADM Jeff Hughes, DCNO for Warfighting Development
The Naval Research Working Group is a forum for the Naval enterprise to communicate, review, validate, and recommend topics for NPS research in FY23.
All potential Research Sponsors, NPS faculty and students are invited and encouraged to participate.
19th Annual Acquisition Research Symposium
May 11-12, 2022
Join us for this virtual two-day event, co-hosted by NWSI and the Acquisition Research Program at Naval Postgraduate School
Keynote speakers are The Honorable Andrew P. Hunter, Assistant Secretary of the Air Force for Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics (confirmed), and Mr. Jay Stefany, Principal Civilian Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Navy for Research, Development and Acquisition (PDASN (RD&A)), Performing the Duties of ASN (RD&A) (invited). Speakers and chairs for all 26 panels are posted online. Plan your virtual attendance and register for the annual acquisition event of the year.
Register today.
News of Note
L3Harris donates $50,000 to Naval Postgraduate School Foundation for research, innovation
Naval Postgraduate School Foundation and Alumni Association
L3Harris Technologies (NYSE:LHX) presented a $50,000 donation to the Naval Postgraduate School Foundation during the Sea-Air-Space Conference in National Harbor, Maryland, April 5. The donation supports a strategic corporate partnership between L3Harris and the Naval Postgraduate School Foundation to study and develop advanced naval warfighting concepts at the Naval Postgraduate School. Read more.
U.S. and China at a Crossroads
Rep. Adam Smith (WA-09), Seattle Times
This article may be behind a paywall, so we’re including it here in its entirety.
China’s rise in the 21st century was no accident, and the government in Beijing’s goal is to remain a global power long into the future. Given its ambition, and because China already represents our greatest economic competitor, pursuing the right approach to the U.S.-China relationship has never mattered more for our country’s national security.
Maintaining a peaceful, productive relationship between the United States and China is crucial — the world is a better place when we work together and coexist peacefully — but it will not be easy. The United States must deter Chinese military aggression, compete fairly in the global market, and leverage all diplomatic and economic tools at our disposal to resolve our disagreements. The future of the global economy, international security, and generations to come all depend on an effective approach to the U.S.-China relationship.
However, Beijing’s behavior in recent years has made it extraordinarily difficult to foster a peaceful, productive relationship.
Intellectual property theft, unfair trade practices and bloated state-owned conglomerates in China have undermined American businesses and workers in the global marketplace.
The Chinese Communist Party has also exploited vulnerabilities in developing economies with its Belt and Road Initiative — an approach to economic development in Africa, Asia and elsewhere that causes more problems than it solves by feeding corruption and creating debt traps, often investments with a dual military use. The Chinese government’s challenges to a healthy relationship with the United States and the rest of the world do not end with unfair economic and trade practices.
Beijing’s heavy-handed authoritarianism has resulted in threats against people who call Taiwan home, territorial disputes with China’s neighbors, and egregious human rights abuses within China’s borders. The United States cannot afford instability and aggression in the economically dynamic Pacific region that is also home to some of our most crucial partnerships. Beijing’s approach to its relationship with the United States now faces a significant test as Russian military forces conduct a bloody, unprovoked war against Ukraine. Before Vladimir Putin ordered his forces to attack, he and China’s President Xi Jinping met on the sidelines of the Olympic Games in Beijing — a testament to the deepening relationship between Russia and China.
The United States, along with our allies and partners, imposed an unprecedented range of economic consequences for Putin’s war, including sharp sanctions and a U.S. ban on Russian oil imports. China is in a position to help Russia ameliorate some of the effects of those measures. Aiding and abetting Putin’s violent war against the Ukrainian people cannot and should not go unpunished. To date, President Joe Biden and other members of his administration have engaged Chinese Communist Party leaders to convey the potential consequences if China helps Russia avoid accountability for its invasion. These conversations are critical — not only because of how important it is that the United States stand with the people of Ukraine, but also because we know this will not be the last time leaders from Washington and Beijing will need to engage in dialogue over security challenges.
So how should we address the challenges posed by China?
First, we must maintain a strong deterrent so that the potential cost of military aggression is such that the Chinese leadership chooses a peaceful path instead. We should continue to provide support to Taiwan, under the Taiwan Relations Act, for maintaining a sufficient self-defense capability without needlessly provoking Beijing.
To deter Chinese military aggression, the U.S. must hold the technological and innovative advantage, with equipment that can deliver real-time, high-quality battlefield information to personnel and survive a range of potential threats including cyberattacks. Maintaining a strong military advantage against any potential aggressor will help the United States prevent conflicts.
Second, the United States must continue rebuilding partnerships across the Indo-Pacific region and around the world, something President Biden and his administration have prioritized very effectively. Strong bilateral agreements with key allies like the Republic of Korea are integral to our success in the region. Networks like the Quad — which includes the United States, India, Japan and Australia — our AUKUS security partnership with Australia and the United Kingdom, and NATO all show how the United States can best meet our security needs when we act alongside economic and military partners. These alliances and partnerships allow us to compete more effectively across a whole range of areas.
Third, our leaders must also pursue opportunities to work with Beijing. The leaders of our two countries should meet often at multiple levels to express views, seek clarity and explore opportunities for cooperation on issues like combating climate change, eradicating poverty and achieving a fairer economic system. Our military leaders should also be in regular contact to avoid dangerous miscalculations between two nuclear-armed powers. A healthy U.S.-China relationship requires both sides to recognize that we can compete and cooperate simultaneously, and that regular conversation between countries is a necessity.
While we compete with China, U.S. policymakers must always make clear that our strategic competition is with the Chinese government. The everyday citizens of China are not our adversaries, nor are Chinese Americans or other members of the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) community. When the COVID-19 pandemic began, we saw a dramatic increase in hate crimes and racist incidents against those of Asian descent — and we know that these incidents have continued. That’s why it was so important to pass S. 937, the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act, last year. The United States cannot fully realize one of our greatest competitive advantages — our people and our diversity — if challenges from Beijing are described in ways that endanger our neighbors in Seattle and around the country. We will have a harder time seeking the support of our partners, especially in the Indo-Pacific region, if hateful acts against the AAPI community are tolerated here.
The U.S.-China relationship occupies a central role in the world today, and it will continue to shape the global economy and international security for decades. We should seek cooperation with Beijing when we can. When we cannot cooperate, the United States should compete with our economic strength, military deterrent, and network of allies and partners. A more secure, peaceful, prosperous future for people living in the Seattle area and across the United States: that’s what getting the U.S.-China relationship right looks like.
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